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The Supreme Court, Cultural Marxism, and the Assault on Christianity1st edition / ISBN: 978-1-62273-300-2
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This book addresses the benefits of Christianity for all, the degradation of our culture since the 1950s, the pernicious effects that cultural Marxism has had on Western cultures, and the loss of religious freedom as the Founders envisioned it due to a number of Supreme Court rulings. We cannot understand the culture war and cultural debasement until we understand cultural Marxism. Cultural Marxism has been "hiding in plain sight" since the 1930 with the immigration to the United States of a cadre of intellectuals from Germany who brought with them the folderol of critical theory, political correctness, gender neutrality, radical feminism, and moral relativism. This intellectual moonshine is designed to weaken family structure and individual morality, and it has worked. The ultimate purpose of cultural Marxism is to destroy Western civilization from within. This goal is clearly and unambiguously stated in their books and articles. In numerous places in these books and articles, cultural Marxists are adamant that if socialism is ever to come to America the two epicenters of Western morality, the family and Christianity, will have to be destroyed by slow, stealthy, and incremental attacks on them. They have been aided in their efforts by anti-Christian rulings by the United States Supreme Court since the 1940s. I do not claim in any sense that the Supreme Court is engaged in a conspiracy with cultural Marxists. Their rulings have been based on a reading of the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment that its authors would not recognize, and have used this clause to eviscerate the Free Exercise Clause—America’s “first freedom.” The Court has purged Christianity from the public square, and in doing so it has unwittingly helped the cultural Marxist agenda by spiritually disarming America.
How Human Systems Work, From the Family to the United Nations1st edition / ISBN: 978-1-62273-286-9
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“On the Principles of Social Gravity” proposes a radical new way of thinking about social systems. It explains that all social systems –institutions created of and for human beings e.g. healthcare system, family, military etc., – are held together or governed by nine principles or rules. Using these principles, it examined the problems facing the US healthcare system, criminal justice system, social security, student debt crisis, tax policies, immigration, the political system, and the United Nations. Then, provided novel and unique solutions to them. It expands on the meaning of social entropy and explains how it affects all social systems. It explains new terms like social gravity, de-entropification, primary and secondary contributors, negative and positive homogeneity, positive and negative homogenous group, homogenization, etc. that many readers will find enlightening and very interesting. It is a book that is likely to spark national and even global discussions about many of the institutions we have created. It’s originality and usefulness makes it very likely that it will find a wide audience and many of its terms may become popular in the wider society. Since anyone could use the same principles developed in this book to understand and solve the problems with any social system, it will be useful for adoption in the university, for researchers and professors in the social sciences.
Questioning Conventional Wisdom2nd edition / ISBN: 978-1-62273-206-7
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This book is an expedition into a number of controversial issues in the social sciences with the intention of challenging the conventional wisdom on those issues. While most social science research is interesting and important, a fair amount of social science research is thinly disguised advocacy research in which conclusions too often precede inquiries. The primary topics are those that the journal Nature described as "Taboo". In order of the degree of censure, the topics are: race, sex differences, intelligence, and violence. The only way to examine these topics with the social science seal of approval attached is through a strictly environmental lens. To bring biological factors to bear on them is politically incorrect and can bring the wrath of the academy down on one’s head. Although many researchers successfully bring biology into their research on these issues, they are said to risk career and reputation for doing so. Speech codes stifling free intellectual exchange pervade the ivory tower, and an overwhelmingly liberal faculty hell-bent on eliminating any vestiges of opposition to their ideology. This is unconscionable in an institution that is supposed to value free exchange of all ideas and opinions. The current state of academic social science is examined before entering the substantive realm to try to explore how the topics I explore have become protected from any claims of "naturalness." Because the left rejects the idea of human nature, it insists that these things are products of social learning and/or social construction and are entirely fluid. To maintain this position in light of the huge and exponential successes of the natural sciences, the left embraces such frames of reasoning as postmodernism, radical relativism, multiculturalism, and political correctness, all of which are examined in this book. Also discussed are human nature, whiteness studies, political temperaments, various criminal justice issues, and capitalism versus socialism.
A historical perspective on race-based politics1st edition / ISBN: 978-1-62273-147-3
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The issue of race is often a scab Americans choose to ignore. However social science has a responsibility and an obligation to examine not simply the amenable subjects but also the controversial. This work, in a word, is controversial. Thomas Franks (2004) argued that cultural differences led white Kansans to abandon the Democratic Party for the Republican Party during the 1980s. He specifically argued that abortion was the unifying issue in this ideological migration. Simultaneously, future President Ronald Reagan opened his campaign for the presidency in Philadelphia, Mississippi, the sight of the massacre of four young civil rights activists over a decade earlier. Race has and is a factor in the American experience; Franks’ premise is simply that the absence of the concentration of African Americans in the Kansas area negated the influence of the “black threat hypothesis” on the observed ideological switch of white Kansans. This work argues that Franks’ premise fails to incorporate the over arching ideological switch of white voter migration to the Republican party that was occurring during the same period, and that Reagan’s speech in Philadelphia, Mississippi was an overt cue that he was rejecting the civil rights consensus for an historically established “race-based social contract” that positioned people of color outside the traditional bounds of the social contract. The study is a sociopolitical analysis of the African American experience utilizing the “racial contract” framework developed by Charles Mills. The “racial contract” holds that the social contract explicitly dictates interactions and transaction costs between citizens and government. Mills supposition is that historically non-Western Europeans were excluded from the penalties for violations of the social contract, and a tacit race based contract dictated transaction costs and interactions between Europeans and non-Europeans. The work utilizes the framework to trace the sociopolitical environment from the first appearance of Africans in America to the present. It has the supposition that the initial sociopolitical status of Africans in America was as a result of the reformation of the Western feudal agrarian culture, with African captives attached to the land as the neo-serfs; but that the reformation of feudalism was only possible within the context that Africans were implicitly viewed as outside the bounds of the codified social contract. It traces American sociopolitical conflict over the expansion of the “racial contract,” which was the basis of the American Civil War; and the establishment of an implicit sociopolitical order within the bounds of the racial contract at the end of the Civil War, with codified sanctions for violations of commensality and endogamy.
A philosophical introduction to the social reproductions of oppression from an intersectional feminist perspective1st edition / ISBN: 978-1-62273-064-3
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Broken Branches places a critical lens on the infrastructure, institutions, social processes and practices that govern our society. The text examines the ways that neoliberalism influences society and our lives across generations. The practice of colonialism is deconstructed, showing how this practice has been renamed, but holds steadfast to its original intention of cultivating institutionalized oppression that feeds social perception. The author exposes the ways that social perceptions, juxtaposed semantics, commonly accepted definitions, practices, rhetoric and propaganda create products of maintained systemic injustice when resistance is absent and desensitization is prevalent. Colonialism and its consequential social reproductions of oppression continue to traverse across land, body, and mind in individual as well as collective contexts. Broken Branches explores the tributaries of oppression but also highlights the source of oppression within the United States. The philosophical, intersectional and feminist approach of critical analysis lays the framework for further interrogation and utilizes the catalyst of historical precedence to initiate this introduction. The author implores the reader to take introspective steps towards understanding where one’s own complicity exists in oppression as well and addresses the cognitive dissonance we have become accustomed to in perpetuating oppression. Broken Branches offers suggestions on how to forge forward to create substantive and structural change that is not contingent on the dispossession and oppression of the marginalized so that the health and vitality of a few is sustained. Broken Branches encourages the practice of continuous inquiry and acknowledges that transformation is not possible without change. The author pushes for collectively empowered marginalized voices, operationalized pathways to inclusion, intersectional and equitable perspectives, and an increased investment in healing the trauma caused by the perpetuation of colonialism.